Indonesia’s Moral Diplomacy and the Future of Gaza

Prof. Asep Saepudin Jahar, M.A., Ph.D.
Rector of Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta

The world turns its gaze toward Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt, where global leaders convene at the Peace Summit for Gaza to discuss the future of a territory that, for the past two decades, has remained an open wound in the Islamic world and a scar on the conscience of humanity.

President Prabowo Subianto represented Indonesia, conveying a crucial message: the nation's diplomacy remains firmly rooted in humanity and justice for the Palestinian people.

At the forum, President Prabowo reaffirmed the enduring principle that has long guided Indonesia’s foreign policy, which stated support for a two-state solution and a people-centered reconstruction of Gaza, not one dictated by political power.

Yet, every peace conference bears two faces: hope and skepticism.

1. Hope, because at last the world is once again speaking of Gaza not through the language of war, but of recovery.

2. Skepticism, because history has taught us that peace accords often end at the podium while suffering continues on the ground.

The moral question is straightforward: After the ceasefire, what will truly unite Gaza? Will this summit mark the beginning of genuine sovereignty or merely another phase of post-occupation rewritten with a euphemism?

A report by the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) this week noted that the Sharm El-Sheikh Summit offers an ambitious roadmap but lacks a clear implementation plan with many promises—typical bureaucracies.

Gaza remains stuck between global politics and local suffering, between economic interests and urgent humanitarian needs. Every second wasted, there are bodies of Palestinians being buried.

From Ceasefire to Justice

Sociologically, a ceasefire halts violence but does not restore justice. As Émile Durkheim wrote more than a century ago, true peace is only possible when “shared social norms” are rebuilt.

Gaza has lost not only homes and infrastructure but also faith in the existence of a just world order. A 2024 academic paper by Yinon Amir (Queen’s University Belfast) describes Gaza as trapped in a post-occupation condition: a territory formally liberated yet still dependent on external powers for its economy, logistics, and security.

In other words, Gaza’s future depends on who controls its airspace, seas, and the flow of goods. The Sharm El-Sheikh Summit addressed economic recovery and humanitarian aid but forgot to answer the most fundamental question: Will the people of Gaza truly possess political sovereignty?

Until that becomes clear, peace remains suspended. From an Islamic perspective, ‘adl (justice) is the foundation of peace. Without justice, reconciliation becomes merely a formality. As al-Mawardi wrote in Adab al-Dunya wa al-Din, “The state stands upon justice as a building stands upon its foundation.”

Justice, in the context of Gaza, is not merely the absence of war; it is the right to self-determination (haqqul istikhlal). It also means empowering Gazans to lead their reconstruction. 

Francis Fukuyama, in State-Building (2004), reminds us, “There can be no sustainable development without local ownership of the process.”

Gaza must rebuild not only its structures but also its institutions of trust. As Jürgen Habermas asserted in The Theory of Communicative Action, social legitimacy arises from honest dialogue between citizens and those in power.

Should we exclude the Gazan people from shaping their own future, the ceasefire will merely serve as a temporary respite before the next crisis.

Inequality of Hope for a Reconstruction

Physical destruction in Gaza is near total. Satellite-based InSAR damage mapping (2025) shows that more than 70 percent of its buildings are heavily damaged, with critical infrastructure like hospitals, schools, and water systems nearly collapsed.

The Sharm El-Sheikh Summit pledged reconstruction funds from international agencies and donor nations, including a $53 billion package from the Arab League under the banner of “dignified reconstruction.”

Yet post-war experience elsewhere, as in Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon, reveals that rebuilding without transparent governance often breeds new evil.

What Gaza needs is not only funding but also moral and institutional standards. As Amartya Sen wrote in Development as Freedom, “True development is the liberation of human beings from fear and dependency.”

This reminds us that rebuilding is about trust and freedom. Within the Islamic social framework, Gaza’s reconstruction must be rooted in maslahah (public good)—policies that maximize collective welfare and balance humanity with sovereignty and economics with ethics.

As an academic, I believe sustainable reconstruction requires an ecology of social justice: the involvement of universities, educational institutions, and global civil society in rebuilding knowledge.

Here, Indonesia can play a meaningful role: through academic partnerships, educational aid, and joint post-conflict research.

For example, universities such as UIN Jakarta can collaborate on studies of post-conflict healing, spiritual resilience, and community rebuilding—for the wounds of war lie not only in the body but also in the soul.

Moral Diplomacy and Indonesia’s Solidarity

President Prabowo’s presence at the Sharm El-Sheikh Summit carries both symbolic and strategic weight. Symbolically, it reaffirms Indonesia’s steadfast solidarity with the Palestinian people. Strategically, it reinforces Indonesia’s standing as the world’s largest Muslim democracy consistently advocating for peace rooted in justice.

However, Indonesia’s diplomacy will have greater value if it carries a moral narrative. In Islamic tradition, diplomacy is not a negotiation of interests but an entrustment of civilization (tabligh al-haq) to convey only the truth.

Furthermore, Indonesia can also serve as a bridge between Eastern moral consciousness and Western pragmatism in shaping a more humane global order. At the summit, nations like Indonesia are needed to remind the world that peace without values is only a temporary truce.

As Karen Armstrong observed in Fields of Blood (2014), human violence often arises not from religion, but from the loss of moral meaning within politics.

In this light, Indonesia must revive a moral diplomacy that boldly upholds rahmah (compassion), ‘adl (justice), and ukhuwah insaniyyah (human fraternity). A nation need not be powerful to be influential; it only needs to be consistent in its moral integrity.

As al-Ghazali wrote in Ihya’ ‘Ulum al-Din, “Power without justice is tyranny, and religion without justice is hypocrisy.”

Reflection: The Long Path Toward Peace

Gaza’s future will not be decided by one conference but by the world’s moral commitment. The Sharm El-Sheikh Summit offers hope, yet that hope must be sustained through perseverance and sincerity.

What Gaza needs is not only physical reconstruction but also moral reconstruction—to rediscover meaning after loss and to nurture hope after devastation. The people of Gaza have shown extraordinary endurance; now it is the world’s turn to show genuine empathy.

For Indonesia, this becomes a test of national spirituality:

1. Can we translate solidarity into action?

2. Will our universities send not only sympathy but also knowledge and humanitarian aid?

3. Will our communities sustain empathy amid fatigue from endless news of suffering?

I believe that, like a small flame among ruins, Gaza’s hope will continue to burn as long as there are those who refuse to surrender to cynicism.

As Paulo Freire reminds us in Pedagogy of Hope (1992), “Hope is not waiting for a miracle—it is acting so that a miracle becomes possible.”

The world has long looked upon Gaza with sorrow. It is time we look upon it with responsibility. And for Indonesia, that responsibility is both simple and profound: to be a voice for the voiceless, a model for the weary, and a light amid the coldness of diplomacy.

Peace is not the absence of war; it is the presence of justice. And justice for Gaza; only then the world will truly live at peace.

This article was originally published in Disway on Friday (17/10/2025)